The Sun Ought to Rise Again:
How Rebuilding Japan's Military Can Counter Chinese Expansionism
By Walter Lam
Date: 6 October 2022
Late former Japanese Prime Minster, Shinzo Abe reviewing a parade of the Self-Defence Forces.
Courtesy of the Government of Japan (2018)
The recent electoral success of Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party(LDP) to also secure a two-thirds majority in the House of Councillors has further solidified its rule. Having now won “three golden years” of governance before any upcoming elections, all eyes are set on one issue: will the LDP revise Article 9 of the Japan Constitute(Article 9)?
Article 9: The Sins of the Empire and its Consequences
Article 9 is a clause imposed by the Allies after the Second World War. It renounces the country’s sovereign right to the threat or use of force to settle international disputes, to possess any form of armed forces with the potential to wage one, and their right to belligerency. In order to defend the now pro-west Japan against communist China and North Korea, the US-Japan Security Treaty was signed in 1951 to allow the presence of US military bases and later amended in 1960 to ensure mutual defence obligations.
The Japan Self-Defence Force(JSDF) was subsequently formed in 1954 under the Ministry of Defence, although equipped only with defensive weapons, and had not engaged in any warfare since its formation. The pacifist article served well as a gesture of remorse and allowed Japan to focus on rebuilding for a long period. However, the conditions preserving Japan’s peace despite Article 9 are immensely delicate and susceptible to changes like its neighbour China growing into a sizable superpower in just two decades.
Growing Threat: The Rise of China and Its Naval Capabilities
The immediate consequence of this is a paradigm shift in the regional military balance, which will cause Japan to lose control of some of its archipelagos. China’s military spending has skyrocketed vis-a-vis its rapid economic growth, growing fivefold to $270 billion in 2021 from just $50 billion in 2001, which coincidentally is also five times that of Japan’s $55.8 billion and the total sum of all other 13 militaries in the South China Sea (SCS).
Resultedly, China now boasts the world’s biggest navy in terms of the total number of vessels and maritime capacity, which had been frequently deployed to harass countries in the SCS, of which Japan is particularly susceptible due to its natural outlying islands. Though ill-equipped and small in tonnage, these paramilitary Chinese Coast Guards ships are perfect for grey-zone and false flag operations.
They deliberately fish illegally in contiguous and contended waters like the Senkaku Islands to challenge Japan’s de jure sovereign and control of its Exclusive Economic Zones. If the vessels face a dispute with Japanese fishers, frigates of the People’s Liberation Army Navy(PLAN) will then step in to guard the Chinese vessels. Despite already being the second-most potent force in the SCS region, the JSDF still pales in comparison to the PLAN. They are hence unable to defend Japanese fishers every single time, nor can they proactively deny PLAN access to the waters due to Article 9. Given time, then, China would gain de facto control of the surrounding waters, which would serve as a form of evidence supporting their legal claims over the islands.
While the natural resources and fishing rights these local conflicts fought over for are merely a “good to have”, they mark the prologue for China’s hegemonic ambitions. China’s President Xi Jinping, himself also the Chairman of the Central Military Commission, has on multiple occasions expressed his vision for a “national rejuvenation”, including making the People’s Liberation Army Navy a “world class” one by 2049, and his “Chinese dream” of reunifying China, which in reality translates to a “blue water” navy that matches the US, backing China’s assertive actions in the South China Sea(SCS), and the annexation of Taiwan.
In preparation, China has been modernising and expanding its naval fleet at an alarming speed that rivals and even surpasses the US in some facets. In particular, vessels designed for the invasion of Taiwan like the Type 075 amphibious assault ship, Type 003 aircraft carrier, and Type 055 destroyer etc are not just being built at formidable speed, but also reflected upon and improved every batch. These warships hold great power projection capabilities given their proposed role in the invasion of the Taiwanese Isles and are therefore equally usable against Japan.
Guard of Honor of the Tawanese (Republic of China) National Army mounting guard at the Chiang-Kai-Shek Mausoleum.
Courtesy of CEphoto, Uwe Aranas (2022)
The Tables Have Turned: Chinese Expansion and How that affects Japan
Unfortunately, the likelihood of this potential being utilised has been rising quickly. The CCP frequently accentuate Japan’s historic invasion of China to promote ultranationalism, then post as the so-called saviour for a cheap but effective popularity boost. Resultantly, hatred and hostility towards Japan have always been prevalent amongst the Chinese, some even outrageously called for a preemptive nuclear strike on Japan if they defend Taiwan.
Whilst this is extremely unlikely to happen as Xi is the only one with the legal and actual authority to mobilise the military, Japan should be no stranger to how a frantic, blood-thirsty, yet unsatisfied population can lead its army into uncontrollable militarism. From a practical military standpoint, Japan’s potential and increasing inclination to defend Taiwan would also be a great nuisance.
In order to intimidate Japan from doing so, China passed through the Tsugaru strait between Japan’s main island and Hokkaido during a joint military drill with Russia last October, which effectively put Japan temporarily under the warships’ attack range. More recently, 5 ballistic missiles were launched into Japan’s EEZ for the first time during its military exercises surrounding Taiwan after Nancy Pelosi’s visit, with sources even claiming that Xi personally made this decision to solidify his warning message.
Not only does Xi’s aggressive demeanour jeopardises peace and stability in the SCS, but it is also entirely self-interested. Having further centralised and consolidated power, even amending the Chinese constitution to extend his term in office, he needs solid, convincing personal achievements for legitimacy. With a record high youth unemployment rate of 20%, a crumbling house market, and a less than satisfactory GDP growth, economic success, which used to be the CCP’s major source of mandate, is no longer viable. Combined with the harsh and politically motivated zero-Covid policy, dissent is piling up high. This leaves Xi with the last resort to boost popularity and cling to power, the “unification” of Taiwan that he had emphasised heavily in his agenda.
Nevertheless, the US and Japan’s own military bases in Japan will always be an eyesore to Xi by nature, and his decision to attack them cannot be ruled out. Obvious targets would then be the Yokosuka harbour where the US aircraft carrier strike group(CSG) is stationed, the Sasebo harbour in Kyushu due to its proximity and potential for logistical support, and the bases in Okinawa for similar reasons. All of these bases are closely located to civilian space and collateral damage is almost a certainty.
With their hands tied by Article 9, the JSDF’s actions are limited to intercepting incoming missiles, of which there is no guarantee of success, whereas even if China one-sidedly inflicted casualties upon innocent Japanese citizens, they will face nothing more than moral condemnations. Not being able to strike back at missile launchers placed in China would place Japan in a forever passive position and on the receiving end of attacks, which increases the likeliness of victimhood indefinitely.
Even if China decides not to directly attack Japan when invading Taiwan, Japan would still suffer a huge loss due to the former’s certain employment of the anti-access/area denial(A2/AD) strategy. China would announce a naval (and aerial) blockade around Taiwan that will prevent third parties (i.e. the US) from bringing its forces to the contested area so the Taiwanese army is isolated whilst also having their only possible logistic route of supplies cut off. This would however also be an indirect and implicit blockade of Japan, an island nation famous for lacking natural resources and whose imports are delivered through sea lanes in the SCS and the Taiwan strait.
The lack of raw materials will not just inflict severe inflation like the current one due to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but also cripple Japan’s high-value-adding industries, while tourism would also become too dangerous, thereby knocking over all pillars of their economy at once. As an economy highly integrated into the global supply chain, Japan would almost instantly get paralysed and suffer from huge economic losses without even having to be struck by China.
In order to deter China from its unilateral attempts to change the status quo with force, Japan must maintain the regional military balance. Deterrence theory dictates that without a strong enough army (capability), willingness to deploy it (credibility), and efforts to elucidate that (communication), Xi would be given the impression that he can emerge victorious and hence much more willing to engage in a war, especially given the growing strength of the PLAN. This entails that Japan must start abandoning its tacit self-restraint of not spending more than 1% of its GDP on defence to close the gap in military capability and discard Article 9, which directly renounces the credibility factor.
President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China giving a speech at a United Nations Office at Geneva.
Courtesy of UN Geneva (2017): https://flic.kr/p/RaCHNc
The Ally with Its own Agenda: Why Relying on the US is not Always the Safest Bet
It would not be uncommon, albeit fatal, to assume that Japan can simply invoke the US-Japan Security Treaty and rely on the US’s military might. It is always unwise to put all of one’s eggs in the same basket, not to mention if the basket is held by someone else. While the US is indeed obligated to defend Japan if it is attacked, the definition of “being attacked” is opaque, meaning room for interpretation and grey-zone situations.
For instance, if a Japanese civilian ship got sunk even though both sides are not engaged in war, China can always call it an accident and refuse to take responsibility. Even if Japan is convinced that the ship was sunk deliberately, the US might appeal to the murky nature of the incident and refuse to take action, and Article 9 dictates that Japan would have to just take the loss.
Granting the US’s full commitment to honour the defence pack, Japan’s safety is not automatically guaranteed. Article 9 limits not just the strategic and tactical options of Japan, but also that of the US. Lacking participation from the JSDF, the US Seventh Fleet must take on the entire might of China alone, defending vulnerable supply lines stretched across the entire pacific ocean.
Furthermore, with a huge arsenal of anti-ship ballistic missiles like the Dong Feng 17, 21D and 26 that covers the “first island chain” (second island chain for DF26), China can destroy or at least force the US navy to operate miles, even thousands, away from Japan as the JSDF is not allowed to counterattack on these missile launchers, which further erodes the extended deterrence the US can provide. In fact, the scenario above was predicted as one of the possibilities in a recent crisis simulation conducted by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and while Taiwan was successfully defended in the simulation, Japan would be suffering from a heavy, and unnecessary loss of lives and property.
But perhaps the more important factor here is how morbid it is to outsource the responsibility of defending oneself to another country. If any lessons were to be learned from the fall of Afghanistan, Japan must be the one fulfilling the duty of fighting for its own life and values, not having the US fight on its behalf. While Japan was indisputably in the wrong for its actions during the second world war, it has matured enough to moderate its behaviour even without the need for Article 9. If anything, true repentance to the countries she has invaded and colonised should be to contribute to regional stability and prevent China from following in its footsteps.
The Chair of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation Military Committee, Admiral Rob Bauer, visiting Japan earlier this year.
Courtesy of NATO (2022): https://flic.kr/p/2nrKK2i
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